"Colour gives more pleasure in Venice than anywhere else..." (Giorgio Vasari 1568) The use of colour in Renaissance Venice

This essay will examine and analyse the use of colour within different aspects of Renaissance Venice, with closer examination of the architecture of the Palazzo Ducale and San Marco, as well as the art of Titian, Paolo Veronese and Giovanni Bellini. I will also briefly discuss the importance of colour regarding Venetian fashion.

Two of the artists I have chosen to focus on are arguably the most revolutionary regarding use and experimentation of colour within Renaissance Venice. Titians painting of the Noli Me Tangere and Giovanni Bellini’s painting of Agony In The Garden both show strong connections between the movement of the landscapes and the swirling almost rippling effects seen in Venetian chalcedony glassware.[1] This seems to have created softness and effect of large space to both paintings.

Titians experimentation with colour certainly becomes apparent by around 1510 when he painted his Holy Family and a Shepherd. Here he painted Joseph in violet and a deep auburn as opposed to the yellow he is usually adorned in. This coincides with colours such as orange, purple and brown becoming particular popular and fashionable.[2] Titian later goes on to experiment with different shades of grey, as seen in the 1511 painting Schiavona and the 1523 painting of Man with a Glove. The earlier painting shows the grey colours through the transparency of the woman’s hairnet and the light shawl over her shoulders creating an elegant and light texture to the materials. This was very rare for Titian to paint a portrait of a woman. The latter painting shows the grey gloves in a very life-like fashion, creating a real leather, and notably expensive look to give the man in the painting a subtle air of wealth.[3] Titian also cleverly experimented with black and white to create the lightness and darkness effects seen in his paintings such as The Entombment of Christ. These particular works of Titian show he could create simple but very realistic portraitures and was extremely talented at depicting texture of different materials and creating more character than is usually conveyed in other portraiture by creating refined, elegant and casual looks to his models.[4]

Giovanni Bellini uses colour and transparency in a slightly different way to Titian but still produces spectacular effects with it. The most notable example of his use of this combined with reflection is in his 1515 painting of a Young Woman with a Mirror. Here we can see the elaborate detail of the gold beads reflected in the mirror of the woman’s headdress and also in the delicate gleam of the carafe located on the windowsill.[5]

The architecture and decor alone in Venice is arguably one of the most colourful cities in Europe, and would have definitely looked one of the most opulent in Europe in its heyday, but possibly rivalled by the Byzantine Empire, where it is obvious Venice took some inspiration from, as the San Marco building was designed with striking resemblance to the Church of Holy Apostles located in Constantinople.[6] It is possible to see the fusion of eastern and western tastes in San Marco, a good example of which can be seen on the choir screen of San Marco. Much of the marble used came from Greece and Egypt and must have stood out against the brilliant white marble of which the Apostles and the Virgin were carved from.[7] Even the two tiered columns around the lower floor of San Marco in the porticoes give the illusion of chiaroscuro, continuing from the Piazza through to the church.[8] In the earlier mosaics of San Marco we can see blue becoming an increasingly popular colour to work with, as well as the interest in the gilding of certain areas of buildings or sometimes parts of statues. We can also note from the mosaics of San Marco the viewer would be enthralled in the mystery and majesty of heaven as this was obviously a heavily featured topic in the church. Peter Humfrey describes the effects of the mosaic would ‘glow and shimmer like jewels when caught by the light, before disappearing again into dark, vibrating shadow’.[9]The bronze quadriga situated directly above the Piazza San Marco’s main entrance must have also stood out from an already colourful building, and would have gleamed under the Venetian sun, as they still do today.[10] The complete interior of the basilica of San Marco, namely the walls, domes and the vaults, are completely covered in golden backgrounds with colourfully decorated mosaics depicting Christ, Saint Mark and the Apostles among other themes from the Old Testament, in particular the Book of Genesis. The goldenness of the walls seems to catch the light and create movement within the vibrant mosaics.[11]  

The use of blue, in particular blue with stars became a popular feature on and in public buildings from around 1400, mainly due to the Doge Michele Steno, as this was his personal insignia. In particular, the ceiling of the Sala del Maggior Consiglio located in the Palazzo Ducale was decorated in this manner throughout Stenos’ period of dogate.[12] This type of decoration is also documented in Gentile Bellini’s Procession in Piazza San Marco.

The coupling of gold and blue together was later expanded to the combination white and red, mainly seen in the form of red Veronese marble and white Istrian stone. This type of coupling of coloured architecture can also be seen in the green and white Florentine Baptistery in Tuscany. The combination of white and red in Venice was used as edgings along quaysides as well as window and door surroundings. This is used excessively on the Palazzo Ducale where most of the building is covered by consistent patterns of interlocking diamonds that seem to zigzag around the building. [13]

Focussing now on another part of the interior of the Palazzo Ducale, the walls and ceilings are completely covered from top to bottom in stunning paintings and compartmented ceilings decorated by some of the finest artists of the time, Veronese and Tintoretto possibly the most well known. Paolo Veronese’s beautiful painting of Triumph Of Venice is located in the Great Council and Hall and has been described as one of the most influential paintings within the palace. Veronese has used a perspective known as dal sotto in su, to create the illusion the viewer is looking straight up to the heavens. The painting features the golden lion of Saint Mark, as is a customary feature in Venice, and has included elaborate balustrades and colourful characters, of which Veronese was so admired for. Honour is clothed in a gold and white robe, and has a regal manner and posture. The bright blue skies and white fluffy texture of the clouds are extremely realistic. We can also see Veronese’s talent for depicting other textures, as seen in the armour and the fur of the dog at the bottom of the painting.[14]

The Palazzo Ducale is again another good example for a different art form, this being terrazzo flooring. This had developed to contain flecks of multicoloured chips, usually of Istrian stone, and eventually became a must have domestic item in Venetian buildings.[15]

Hills documents a man who had travelled to Venice in 1438 describe the city as ‘that most wondrous of cities, so rich in colour and in accoutrements of gold, exquisite as perfectly carved sculpture’.[16] Venetian buildings had gradually been replaced from wood to expensive brick, stone and marble as part of a vast project to rebuild the city. It was in this time period Venice has its most notable and decorative changes to its art and architecture.[17]

Among the art forms already discussed, altarpieces were also extremely popular and widespread in Venice; however, I am now going to focus on Titians Assumption of the Virgin, commissioned for San Maria dei Frari for the high altar located within. This particular altarpiece was arguably Titians best, as it established his reputation within Venice, and it was also the largest altarpiece in Venice. His main connections in the painting were the two most prominent apostles and the Virgin, which created a triangle of bright colour, mainly a rich red that pointed upwards to the golden heavens. Directly below the Virgin we can see Titians use of grey tones and experimentation of darker and deeper coloured hues. It is also possible to see Titians flair for depicting different textures and materials, as seen in the robes of the characters and in the fluffiness of the clouds holding the Virgin. This must have been breathtaking for a spectator to walk up the altar steps to see this almost larger than life size altarpiece.[18]

Another example of an altarpiece can be found in San Marco; however, this is very different to the altarpieces we see Titian develop. The golden altarpiece of Pala d’Oro, which was originally brought in from Constantinople, is absolutely covered with colourful jewels and gems and is highly prized as one of the most significant items within the basilica. Patricia Fortini Brown describes ‘The total effect is one of dazzling richness and exotic intricacy: qualities perfectly suited to an ever more refined aesthetic taste’.[19]

Colour in Venice was not limited simply to paintings and architecture; it also had a huge impact on the clothing, clothing materials and the use of fashion in general. The colour of fashion seems to have been determined by the class and status of the individual. The Cittadini and other patricians were expected to wear black woollen garments, as set out by the regulations of the Signoria who kept close watch over Venetian clothing. Rich velvets and reds were reserved for the Procurators, followed by a less expensive red silk garment reserved for the Senators, followed by blue garments reserved for the Savi. The Doges attire would have consisted of a specific crimson called scarlotto, as well as gold and cremisino robes reserved only for him. As evident in Carpaccio’s painting of Healing of a Possessed Man, we can see youthful male patricians dressed in multicoloured hose, often differing on each leg.[20] A more specific example of gold and cremisino robes as worn by the Doge can be seen in Giovanni Bellini’s portrait of Leonardo Loredan, where we are able to see the gold threading throughout the costume more closely.[21] Another example of the use of white dress is noted in the rare exceptions of bridal wear, such as that of the Grimani wedding of 1517, where the bride wore a half white and half restagno d’oro dress. This was considered to be the height of luxury.[22]

 Overall, I would consider Venice to be one of the most colourful cities in the world to date, however, it was surely rivalled by cities from the East and Byzantine Empire, to which it owes much of its inspiration. There were other cities experimenting with colour in similar ways as Venice and its artists, for example, the coloured voussoirs seen in the Islamic architecture of the painting Reception of an Ambassador in Damascus, is mirrored in Venetian architecture, notably the Arco Foscari in the Palazzo Ducale courtyard.[23]  Also, the coupling of two colours together in architecture is seen in Tuscany on the Florentine Baptistery; however this combination is of green and white. A lot of the materials used in Venetian architecture was imported from areas outside Venice and so could be argued its colour was borrowed from other cities. The fall of Constantinople in 1453 was obviously an important factor when studying the combination of Venetian and Islamic art and architecture because it was after this date in particular when we start to see more of an appearance of this combination of cultures.[24]  With regards to Venetian fashion, Venice was bursting with colour, but this could be argued against the need to wear particular colours to distinguish class and status. Artists such as Titian and Giovanni Bellini were experimenting with new colours in their paintings, even daring to paint certain characters in different colours as opposed to the usual colours viewers were accustomed to seeing them in, for example, Joseph in Titians depiction of Holy Family and a Shepherd. Much of Venetian art may not have been possible had it not been for the expansion of wealth and luxury across the city in the 1500s. In conclusion, the combination of colour within Renaissance Venice, regardless of the hidden agendas of matters such as class, patronage and inspiration taken from other areas of the world, is without doubt the most distinguishable of its time because of the scale of experimentation and combination of so many different art forms, and this can be reflected perfectly in Paul Hills quote, ‘Like the waves lapping Venice, colour floods in from the margins’.[25]

Bibliography

Humfrey, Peter, Painting in Renaissance Venice, (Yale University Press: London, 1995) pp. 1-35, 142-175

Fortini Brown, Patricia, Art and Life in Renaissance Venice, (Laurence King Publishing ltd: London, 1997) pp. 20-29, 64-71

Hills, Paul, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London, 1999) pp. 24-36, 57-66, 74-89, 107-125, 150, 173-182, 190-195

Honour, Hugh & Fleming, John, A World History of Art (Laurence King Publishing ltd: London, 1999) pp. 370-374, 422-463, 495-513

---

[1] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) pp. 119-125

[2] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 150

[3] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 192-195

[4] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 36

[5] Peter Humfrey, Painting in Renaissance Venice, (Yale University Press: London,1995) 146-147

[6] Hugh Honor and John Fleming, World History of Art (Laurence King Publishing: London,1999) pp. 370-374

[7] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 57

[8] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 24

[9] Peter Humfrey, Painting in Renaissance Venice, (Yale University Press: London,1995) p.9

[10] Patricia Fortini Brown, Art and Life in Renaissance Venice, (Laurence King Publishing: London,1997) pp. 20-22

[11] Patricia Fortini Brown, Art and Life in Renaissance Venice, (Laurence King Publishing: London,1997) pp. 26-29

[12] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 60

[13] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) pp. 65-66

[14] Patricia Fortini Brown, Art and Life in Renaissance Venice (Laurence King Publishing: London,1997) pp. 64-71

[15] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 80-81

[16] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 74

[17] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p.74

[18] Hugh Honor and John Fleming, World History of Art (Laurence King Publishing: London,1999) pp. 496-497

[19] Patricia Fortini Brown, Art and Life in Renaissance Venice (Laurence King Publishing: London,1997) pp. 23-26

[20] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 173-176

[21] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 182

[22] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) pp. 190-192

[23] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) pp. 88-89

[24] Peter Humfrey, Painting in Renaissance Venice (Yale University Press: London,1995) pp. 9-11

[25] Paul Hills, Venetian Colour, (Yale University Press: London,1999) p. 107

An assessment of evidence for Religious Practice in Roman Britain from the excavations of temples

From the excavations of temples and other religious finds around Roman Britain, there appears to have been three major influences, those being Celtic, Classical and Eastern. The Celtic influence was already circulating in Britain before the Romans came to Britain. The Classical and Eastern influences were introduced by the Romans. However, these religions do not seem to have been solely worshipped, there appears to have been a combination between these religious influences quite regularly, for example, Classical and Celtic deities have been found together in Larariums.

The Roman Empire in general consisted of many pagan temples and shrines. The typical classical form of temple with a central portico seen across the empire was quite rare in Britain, with a few exceptions, such as the Temple of Claudius in Colchester. The Romano-Celtic style of temple was more common in Britain. These were designed in the shape of a simple square. The expansion of Christianity eventually led to a development of a simple structure, consisting of a rectangular hall with an apse, known as a basilica.[1]

In order to maintain a temple, a varied staff would have been needed. At the top of the hierarchy were the priests, often referred to as the sacerdotes. Some were recruited from the Curial class and served only part time, others were permanent paid officials. The tombstone of a sarcedos of Sulis Minerva has been found at Bath, he was called Gaius Calpurnius Receptus, the tria nomina proclaiming he was a citizen. Bath was an important sanctuary with a specialist group of priests. To be a priest at a large shrine was a matter of some social prestige.[2]We have some remains of metal crowns and diadems worn by priests. They suggest that on festal occasions priests appeared in the same majestic splendour that we expect of the clergy today.[3]

The temple of Sulis-Minerva has left behind an abundance of archaeological evidence. A decorative head of Minerva has been found, with rivet holes for where her helmet would have been placed. Minerva’s temple was central to the area with a sacred spring in the middle. It was a very large complex where a large collection of votive objects has been found, many made from lead and silver, as well as a whole range of cursive tablets.

One of the most popular ways of worshipping the gods was through sacrifice, upon an altar. Colchester and Bath had very elaborately decorated large altars at the front of their temples, however more remains of the Bath alter than the altar found at Colchester. The altar at Bath was made of dressed blocks with reliefs carved at the corners portraying several deities, including Hercules, Bacchus, Apollo and Jupiter, and also a water nymph. Individuals would often donate altars as votive gifts, but these were usually much smaller and cut from a single block of stone. They would usually have relief carvings, inscriptions and figural works. One of the main purposes of an altar was to offer the Gods animals that had been sacrificed as well as wine. Shallow bowls and flagons were used for ritual ablutions before sacrifice and by for pouring libations of wine and other liquids to the gods. There are lots of examples of the flagons and shallow bowls in a range of materials, including pottery, pewter, bronze and silver.[4]

The shrine itself was generally regarded as votives to the gods. Temples were also built or given by merchants and gentry, to improve their status and reputation in the community. Examples of all these are known from Britain either from archaeological remains or inscriptions. An example of temples given as gifts can be found in Chichester and York where Neptune and Minerva were worshipped. A temple at Castlesteads dedicated to the Mother Goddesses was also restored by a centurion. A dedication also remains on a screen at Bath. Another temple screen and arch have been located in London. Inscriptions from around Lincoln and York tell us of a merchant from Rouen dedicated gifts of an arch and shrine.[5]

The reason people were believed to dedicate gifts to the Gods is because it was generally thought the Gods would reward the pious, and so individuals would spend a great deal of their wealth and time building shrines and dedicating altars in the hope of gaining their Gods favour. The gifts were also made in order to strike a bargain with the Gods, however, many inscriptions describe the dedicators doing this religious act willingly and freely so as not to taint their reputations.[6]

Roman Britain is now one of the greatest regions in which to study these messages to the gods. One of the biggest sites that have been studied is Uley, in particular a room attached to the temple dedicated to mercury, where many requests to the God have been found. Another has been located at Bath, in the spring of Sulis where tablets addressing that goddess have been found. There are many similarities between these messages to the Gods; however the tablets at Uley seem to have been kept by the priests, whereas they were thrown into the sacred spring at Bath. There have also been other tablets unearthed at Lydney Park and Harlow temple sites.[7]

We have evidence to suggest it was generally believed the Gods enforce moral behaviour on people, for example, a document found at Uley contained a message to the gods asking them to punish whoever had stolen their possessions, however some cursive tablets seem to have been more concerned with conduct rather than stolen possessions. Many of the tablets contained Celtic, Greek and Latin names and so this shows different religions became unified, the Classical religion was not exclusively worshipped by Roman citizens, it is evident Celtic followers also worshipped deities from this religion, not just their own. Therefore, this suggests there must have been a unified sense of Britain being Romanised, however, not to the extent that everybody had to worship one religion, people were free to worship other deities from different religions. The temples of Britain must have helped to resolve minor conflicts through objects such as cursive tablets because the believers thought the thieves and other criminals would be dealt with by the Gods, and so on a larger scale, helped to maintain the Pax Romana in Britain up until the Christian Empire.[8]

The categorisations of different temples have often been made around the difference in architecture. Classical temples were on the whole, quite rare in Britain but these would have offered a local version of Rome’s religion. The majority of temples in Britain were Romano-Celtic temples, and these provided the old customs of the Celtic tribes. The temples of the oriental cults and Christianity, often designed with a basilica-like plan, provided the people with a new form of spiritual and religious experience.[9]

Again, there are exceptions, for example, there is a triangular shaped temple on the South-East side of Verulamium sited at an important road intersection. The temple itself had the cult image in the centre of it, as well as other rooms that may have held water. At the front of the temple was a large courtyard with an altar. The excavations of the courtyard suggests the temple must have been popular as it was much visited, many of its pits containing animal bones and several little pots that would have been offered to the Gods. The skull of an ox has been found behind the altar as a foundation deposit, which is quite unusual. A terracotta lamp cover has also been found, suggesting it may have been used to give shaded illumination to provide a mystical atmosphere often connected with the Eastern deities, however, lamp covers have also been found in Chelmsford and Godmanchester which were Romano-Celtic temples.[10]

The Walbrook valley that lies west of Roman London has shown substantial evidence of religious activity.  A large number of votive pots, Venus figurines made of white clay, a leaf shaped plaque, theatre masks, and bronze letters have been found in the area. Springhead was also very similar, suggesting it to have been a religious centre rather than a town. The same can also be suggested of Bath, where the temple there can be architecturally comparable to that at Colchester, despite the functions being of a different purpose. It was used by Romanised natives and Soldiers, by Celts from the Gallic provinces, and by Greek freedmen, as well as attracting tourists who came to visit its hot springs and gaze at the different stones which were burnt on Minervas altar. The temple of Mercury at Uley seems to have been more restricted regarding the people who could visit compared to Bath, but there have still been numerous offerings that have been found. Around the temples of Britain in general you would usually find auxiliary buildings such as inns and baths that were provided for visitors, and it was not uncommon to find a priests house for the cult officials.[11]

The outstanding temple at Nettleton Shrub, Wiltshire, was octagonal shaped and dedicated to Apollo. The shrine was exceptionally remarkable in and incorporated a striking riverside pavilion, perhaps where the gods were thought to bless or heal those struck with disease. It has been suggested that the temple of Nodens at Lydney Park was probably used similarly and dedicated to a healing cult as well. Unlike Nettleton, it is located on top of a hill, and is far from a major road, however, it became just as wealthy. It also had a healing pavilion and an inn, as well as a suite of baths for visitors. The temple at Woodeaton near Oxford was also far from an urban centre, but is thought to have been strategically placed to become a prosperous part of the countryside, eventually developing into a marketplace between the tribal boundaries of the Dobunni and Catuvellauni tribes. A little pendant and a gold magical gnostic charm show that practitioners and followers of the oriental cults also came here to visit. [12] Therefore, it can be suggested commerce helped temples to develop because other facilities were provided, for example inns and baths.[13]

Religious men and women had several different Gods they could worship. Many of the votive altars donated to shrines and temples were usually made by people who lived in the local area. However, there are exceptions, for example, the temple of Sulis Minerva was definitely known of outside Roman Britain, one of the main reasons for this being its extraordinary altar fire where coal was burnt as opposed to wood. Other richly sustained temples such as Nodens at Lyndley, and Apollo at Nettleton also acquired similar reputations. Some religious men and women would seek out local sanctuaries to worship particular deities that may have brought them luck or wealth. Temples in Britain would have also held grand festivals and processions as well as sacrifices and more commonly, simple prayer and worship. Prayers would sometimes be supported by the giving of gifts to the Gods.[14]

The archaeological remains of altars and other religious artefacts show us that the people of Britain worshipped a wide range of gods and goddesses. There seems to have been no evidence that people were restricted to worshipping one single God, in fact it shows people had a large range of Gods that they chose to worship, often combining two or more different religions.[15]

Bibliography

Green. M. J, The Gods of Roman Britain, (Shire Publications: Buckinghamshire: 2003)

Petts. D, Christianity in Roman Britain, (Stroud: Tempus: 2003)

Pearce. J, Millett. M and Struck. M, Burial, Society and Context in the Roman World (Oxford: Oxbow: 2000)

Henig. M, Religion in Roman Britain, (London: Batsford: 1984)

---

[1] Christianity in Roman Britain pp. 54-55

[2] Religion in Roman Britain p. 135

[3] Religion in Roman Britain, p. 136

[4] Religion in Roman Britain, pp. 129-131

[5] Religion in Roman Britain, pp. 141-142

[6] Religion in Roman Britain, p. 142

[7] Religion in Roman Britain, pp. 142-143

[8] Religion in Roman Britain, pp. 144-145

[9] Religion in Roman Britain, p. 157

[10] Religion in Roman Britain, pp. 159-162

[11] Religion in Roman Britain, pp. 159-162

[12] Religion in Roman Britain, pp. 159-162

[13] Religion in Roman Britain, p. 163

[14] Religion in Roman Britain, p. 157

[15] Christianity in Roman Britain pp.6-7

Why did ships change during the Middle Ages?

It is not possible to pinpoint a distinct key factor to describe why ships changed in the middle ages, partly because there are several factors that affected change, and also evidence and sources are scarce for this time period so there is no concrete evidence to suggest ships changed for a particular reason. It is difficult to identify invention before the Middle Ages as it was not documented before then. Documentation of naval activity is also limited for this time period as a Royal Navy was not in existence, so there is little record of activities of ships and men in the navy. During the Middle Ages, ships generally became a significant part of society, used for trade, warfare and the early stages of discovery and exploration. The many modifications to ships, in effect led to different varieties of ship, and so could eventually be separated into merchant and naval ships. [1]

It is very probable from the evidence we have of shipwrecks and certain documentation that ships were modified and altered when factors such as challenging currents and wind directions disturbed their path of travel, for example, directing a ship out of the Mediterranean sea is very problematic to a ship without the use of oars and both square and lateen sails.[2]

From the twelfth century ship size increased steadily among the Byzantium and Muslim worlds. There is evidence to suggest the Italians had taken temporary leads regarding the size and technological potential of their ships during the First Crusade. By the thirteenth century Venice, Genoa and Pisa were creating large round ships which usually had up to three decks and three masts. From the late thirteenth century the Genoese, Venetians and Florentines further improved the size and seaworthiness of their galleys, finally developing the Great Galleys. This type of ship was modified to make use of naval guns designed just above the waterline in order to break an enemy’s outrigger.[3] The Crusades generated a huge and swift demand for shipping services, over long distances. As a result of this, major Italian towns benefitted from great success between the tenth and thirteenth centuries.[4] 

The increase in ship size appears to have had a similar effect with regards to larger cargo capacity, for example, a bigger ship will have room for more cargo, and so this could have led to possibilities of travelling further away and for longer periods of time. Merchants were more likely to use ships with a higher capacity for the speedy transport of cargo in comparison to slow and smaller vessels. They would also want to use a ship that does not require too many men so they are not paying more wages in comparison to trade profit. The change for larger capacity seems to have lead to improvement and modifications of the sails on a ship. The changes in the ships sails made a huge difference to the speed and efficiency of the ship. Square sails made movement and speed very limited, especially if the wind is not behind the sail. Lateen sails are not as limited as square sails, however they needed to be taken down in order to manoeuvre, and this relied on manpower and so were not very cost effective. The combination of the two types of sails proved very successful as the travelling speed of a ship with both sails is generally faster.[5]

Shipwrights must have had long and carefully supervised training, however little is actually documented or known about this. Some shipbuilders seem to have been indifferent about new ideas, which raises the suggestion that there must have been a fundamental desire or need for them to advance with the changes. The changes were often expensive and so shipbuilders would not want to risk their money on something they were not sure would work, particularly if the ships that were already in use were still capable of the job they were created for and popular among the men who bought and used them. However, for those willing to experiment, the changes may have arisen from the development of better ship building equipment, giving them opportunities for further progression in ship building. A huge factor in ship development is speed of transportation of trade items and the cost effectiveness of the operation. Another huge factor that may have pioneered change or modifications is capacity of the vessel and its usefulness. Some shipbuilders took inspiration from other foreign vessels to slightly adapt them to suit the current demands of their own economies.[6]

Some technological change and innovation may have been driven by mercantile wars as well as peaceful trading. In the late thirteenth century, when the Hansa was at war with Norway, the League copied the English example and fitted its large cogs with fighting towers at the bow and stern, in order to give the crossbowmen the highest possible firing position to gain advantage over enemies. Since the fighting platforms were also intended to offer protection from the weather, they were later given walls making up the cabin.[7]

The Carrack is an example of change. This was a fusion of a Cog constructed with the methods used on a Caravel. It was a three, sometimes four masted sailing ship developed in the Atlantic Ocean by the Portuguese. It had a rounded stern, after castle and forecastle and implemented the use of both square and lateen sails.[8] In the early Middle Ages, the Carrack was an ideal vessel for North Sea coastal trade, aiding the establishment of waterside markets. The Carrack could carry up to three hundred tonnes of cargo and was manned by approximately forty men, it was unable to carry more cargo than the Cog. The ship had living accommodation in the after castle similar to the Cog, but also in the forecastle too. The crows nest was also installed on the top mast as a look out position and further fighting platform. However the Carrack was still not as advanced as the Cog as it did not have a water tight deck. [9] It was extremely stable on heavy seas and had plenty of room for provisions for long voyages. The Portuguese and the Spanish later explored in these vessels in the fifteenth and sixteenth century, notably the Santa Maria with Columbus, and the Sao Gabriel with Vasco da Gama. It was hard to attack by smaller crafts, which was very useful in the East Indies where ships often came under attack. Their ability to carry plenty of targets and provisions made them independent of ports en route to their destination, so they had a longer range using the most efficient route. The four sails and advanced rigging allowed much flexibility. The large square sail allowed propulsion of the vessel, however this was reduced during storms. The bow and stern sails were used for manoeuvring and the lateen sails meant the ship could sail across the winds. The stable decks allowed the placement of guns, as a result of this the Carrack was prone to capsizing in strong winds.[10]

The Caravel was a small highly manoeuvrable two or three masted square and lateen rigged ship that was created and used by the Portuguese, and also the Spanish. It was originally developed under the orders of Henry the Navigator and was used for sailing upriver in shallow coastal waters. The exploration done with Caravels made the spice trade possible for the Portuguese and the Spanish. It was later replaced by a larger Nau as this was more profitable for trading. Towards the end of the fifteenth century it was occasionally modified to have the same rig as a Carrack.[11]

Galleys were an ancient ship propelled entirely by oarsmen and were built purposefully for military use. They were not very good trading vessels as cargo space was limited due to the size of the crew needed to man the oars.[12] Many Galleys had masts and sails that were used when the wind was favourable. Medieval Mediterranean states such as Venice, Pisa and Genoa used Galleys until the ocean going Man of War put them out of use to a large extent. Medieval Galleys also pioneered the use of naval guns that were pointed forward as a supplement to an above waterline beak designed to break enemies’ outrigger.[13]

The Cog seems to have proved the most successful ship that had been altered and used throughout the Middle Ages. The ship was usually flat bottomed with steeply angled stem and stern posts, carrying square rigged sails on its central mast. It first appeared around the tenth century but was widely used by the twelfth century. They could be handled by a smaller crew and so reduced operational costs, useful for trade and warfare.[14] When the ship was ready to come ashore, it would be brought in at a high tide, making it possible for horse drawn carts to have direct access for loading and unloading.[15] The early Cogs were influenced by the Knarr. The evidence suggests it originated in the Frisian coasts, the ship even featured on Frisian coins. It has been suggested the rise of trade and commerce along with the founding of the Hanseatic League eventually pioneered the Hanseatic Cog, which gained a stern rudder in the 1200’s.[16] The Hanseatic League or the Hansa was an alliance of Medieval cities and maritime power. The transformation of the Cog into a seagoing trader came during a period of intense trading between the West and the East, and also as a direct answer to the closure of the Western entrance of Limfjord. The passage between the Baltic Sea and the North Sea was completely blocked by sand by the twelfth century and so the Cog was developed to cope with these changes. Cogs were easily converted from mercantile vessels into naval vessels.  The Cog with a permanent or temporary forecastle and after castle added to it and a crow’s nest near the top of the mast had made it the most important warship of the late thirteenth century.[17] It had reached its structural limits by the fourteenth century. The reasons for the Cogs success were mainly its larger cargo capacity and also the political and economic circumstances of the Hanseatic period.[18]

In conclusion I believe the change was driven by the need for bigger capacity for cargo or men, depending on if it was going to be a naval or commerce ship. This was a product of ever increasing trade routes, which also led to the need for more speedy vessels. The need for more speed on the ship in turn led to the fusion of different uses of sails on the ships, also proving the ships to be slightly more reliable and seaworthy than single masted ships. The larger the ship, the more capable it is to carry more men and naval guns, and so this would have further developed the naval aspect of changes in shipbuilding. A combination of all these factors eventually produced ships that were capable of exploration of new areas because they did not have to keep docking at ports for provisions, they could travel further for a longer period of time, creating the opportunities to spend more time at sea travelling to different places. It can be argued the opening of long distance seaways created the demand for continuous improvement in ship design.[19] With improvements in transport, economic and political circumstances, the nature of trade changed, including the import and export of larger quantities and greater varieties of produce. I think the changes were inevitable but the Middle Ages were the perfect turning point to progress with these changes as I believe the ever increasing  economy and trade connections and routes drove the changes and vice versa. No single factor changed ship building, one change or modification opened up more possibilities for more change elsewhere.

Bibliography

Meier. D, Seafarers, Merchants and Pirates, (Woodbridge:2006) pp.33-44

Lewis. A.R, and Runyan. T.J, European Naval and Maritime History 300-1500, (Bloomington:1990) pp.74-75, 82-85, 137

Pryor. J.H, Geography, Technology and War, (Cambridge:1988) pp.25-39

Rose. S, The Medieval Sea, (London:2007) pp.13, 22-23

Runyan. T.J, Ships, Seafaring and Society, (Detroit:1987) pp.37-49

Unger. R.W, The Ship in the Medieval Economy, (London:1980) pp.122-123

---

[1] Timothy Runyan, ships, seafaring and society, (Detroit: 1987) pp.37-49

[2] John H. Pryor, geography, technology and war, (Cambridge:1988) pp.25-39

[3] John H. Pryor, geography, technology and war, (Cambridge:1988) pp.25-39

[4] Richard W. Unger, the ship in the medieval economy(London:1980) pp.122-123

[5] Richard W. Unger, the ship in the medieval economy, (London:1980) pp.122-123

[6] Susan Rose, the medieval sea, (London:2007) p.13

[7]D. Meier, seafarers, merchants and pirates (Woodbridge:2006) pp.33-38

[8] A.R Lewis and T.J Runyan, European naval and maritime history, (Bloomington:1990) pp.83-85

[9] D.Meier, seafarers, merchants and pirates, (Woodbridge:2006)pp.33-38

[10] Susan Rose, the medieval sea, (London:2007)pp.22-23

[11] A.R Lewis and T.J Runyan, European naval and maritime history, (Bloomington:1990)pp.82-83

[12] T.J Runyan, ships, seafaring and society,(Detroit:1987) p.41

[13] John H. Pryor, geography, technology and war, (Cambridge:1988)p.32

[14] A.R Lewis and T.J Runyan, European naval and maritime history (Bloomington:1990) pp.74-75

[15] D. Meier, seafarers, merchants and pirates(Woodbridge:2006) pp.33-38

[16] D. Meier, seafarers, merchants and pirates(Woodbridge:2006) pp.33-38

[17] A.R Lewis and T.J Runyan, European naval and maritime history(Bloomington:1990) p.137

[18] D. Meier, seafarers, merchants and pirates(Woodbridge:2006) pp.33-38

[19] D. Meier, seafarers, merchants and pirates, (Woodbridge:2006) pp.33-44